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Bolivia is renowned for its indigenous culture and multi-ethnic character, yet indigenous groups have long been marginalized. Despite shifts in political elites' attitudes toward racial issues, a race-based social hierarchy persists. The 2009 constitution recognized and respected the cultures and rights of different ethnic groups, enhancing the social status and political participation of indigenous communities. However, disparities in democratic rights and social standing among groups of different skin tones remain evident. This study treats skin tone as a key variable to examine the political participation and representation of Bolivia's indigenous groups amid constitutional revisions and political transformations. Using a skin tone classification algorithm to measure and categorize the skin tones of members of the Chamber of Deputies, the study delves into the relationship between skin tone and political representation, aiming to reveal racial and skin-tone-related issues in Bolivia's political representation and provide empirical data on the political implications of skin tone in Latin America.

I. Indigenous Political Participation and Reform in Bolivia

After Bolivia's independence, political elites were predominantly composed of white criollos, while indigenous peoples remained marginalized. Indigenous people account for 41% of the population but have far lower education and income levels than the national average. In the 1990s, multiculturalism gained traction in Bolivia, fueling labor and women's movements. In 2005, Evo Morales, of indigenous descent, was elected president, advocating for "communitarian socialism" and driving political, economic, and social reforms. The 2009 constitution affirmed the legal status of indigenous peoples and introduced state institutions reflecting a plurinational character. However, indigenous influence in politics remains limited, and their participation faces constraints. Although Morales' reforms expanded political space for indigenous groups, the process was not without challenges, and their political representation still needs improvement.

II. The Relationship Between Skin Tone, Race, and Political Representation

This section explores Bolivia's skin-tone-based social hierarchy, or "pigmentocracy," tracing its historical roots and impact on modern political representation. The racial hierarchy established during Spanish colonialism linked lighter skin with higher social status, while darker-skinned individuals were marginalized. Although Latin American countries promote mestizo identity, in nations like Bolivia with large indigenous populations, this identity fails to bridge racial divides and instead reinforces existing hierarchies. Skin tone becomes a key marker determining social value and opportunity, intertwined with racial identity, class, economic resources, and stereotypes. Darker-skinned individuals tend to have lower educational attainment, and skin-tone-based inequality proves more stable and explanatory than ethnicity-based disparities. In Bolivia, the proportion of darker-skinned individuals exceeds self-identified indigenous populations, making skin tone a visible and persistent indicator of social attributes. Unlike self-identification, skin tone does not change with personal choice or social mobility but profoundly shapes perceptions of identity and competence. In Latin American censuses, ethnic self-classification is often ambiguous and influenced by social class, whereas skin tone serves as an external criterion for identity assessment, playing a more direct role in social evaluation and institutional selection. Indigenous Bolivians face economic exploitation and political exclusion, while lighter-skinned criollos and mestizo elites dominate state power and wealth. Skin tone thus emerges as a crucial lens for analyzing political representation in Bolivia, synthesizing factors like ethnicity and class into a stable and powerful explanatory variable. In Latin America—especially Bolivia—skin tone is not merely a biological trait but a measure of social power distribution, visibly and indelibly marking the gaps in political participation and representation.

III. Data and Methodology

This section introduces the automated skin tone classification algorithm (CASCo) and the PERLA skin color palette used in Bolivia's political representation study. CASCo is a Python-based open-source tool that objectively detects facial skin tones in portraits and maps them to standardized PERLA color scales. Developed by the "Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America," the PERLA palette includes 11 skin tone categories, providing a cross-national reference for research. The study focuses on Bolivia's last two Chambers of Deputies, applying CASCo to official portraits to generate skin tone variables. The dataset covers 517 legislators from 2015 to 2025, including attributes like gender, party affiliation, and region.

IV. Results and Analysis

Data analysis reveals disparities in political representation linked to skin tone. The skin tone distribution of deputies diverges from the national population, with medium tones overrepresented and darker-skinned groups severely underrepresented. Comparing the two Chambers shows widening gaps, with darker-skinned representation shrinking further. Even within medium-toned legislators, a shift toward lighter tones (Category G) is observed, exacerbating the overrepresentation of lighter-skinned individuals. Differences between full and substitute deputies indicate that lighter skin correlates with higher political power. Party-wise analysis shows left-wing parties favoring darker-skinned candidates, centrist-reformist parties maintaining balanced representation, and conservative parties leaning toward lighter-skinned elites. Regional patterns mirror national imbalances, with darker-skinned groups underrepresented. Leadership roles in the Chamber exhibit a bias toward lighter skin, suggesting darker-skinned individuals face greater barriers to advancement. Overall, skin tone serves as a social marker shaping political dynamics in Bolivia, influencing party structures and strategies while limiting darker-skinned groups' access to power.

V. Discussion and Conclusions

This section examines multiculturalism's role in Bolivia's political representation and its impact on indigenous participation. Will Kymlicka's perspective is cited to underscore multiculturalism's importance in fostering new civic relations and institutionalizing minority rights. Despite progress under Morales, darker-skinned groups remain underrepresented, especially in core leadership and decision-making roles. The Chamber's skin tone distribution does not reflect national diversity, with darker-skinned deputies underrepresented and lighter-skinned ones overrepresented. Parties' "token inclusion" of darker candidates often relegates them to substitute roles, reinforcing systemic biases. While medium-toned legislators dominate numerically, their presence diminishes in higher leadership, reflecting structural or historical inequities.

The underrepresentation of darker-skinned groups stems from historical discrimination, institutionalized inequality, uneven resource distribution, entrenched social biases, and stalled multicultural policies. Colonial-era dispossession of indigenous land and rights entrenched disparities, leaving darker-skinned groups at a human capital disadvantage. Economic structures disadvantage them, as they are concentrated in rural or underdeveloped areas with limited education and employment opportunities. Racism and skin-tone bias permeate politics, shaping voter perceptions and candidate selection. Multicultural policies face challenges like assimilation pressures, inconsistent implementation, and intergroup conflicts.

The rise and decline of multiculturalism under Morales and the evolution of skin-tone politics are analyzed. In the late 20th century, Bolivia saw a resurgence of ethnic politics, with multiculturalism gaining ground and the state recognizing plurinational identity. The 1994 constitutional reform declared Bolivia a "plurinational and multicultural" republic, granting collective rights to indigenous groups. The early 2000s saw indigenous movements surge, culminating in Morales' election as the first indigenous president. Yet despite initial gains, darker-skinned indigenous representation in the Chamber remained inadequate by 2025. Multiculturalism's implementation faced obstacles, creating tensions between ideals and governance. The 2019 political crisis, sparked by Morales' contested reelection, intensified racial and skin-tone divisions, exposing the fragility of multicultural reconciliation. Bolivia's experience shows that legal and symbolic multiculturalism alone cannot dismantle colonial pigmentocracy, requiring deeper, sustained transformation.

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